Outcomes of COP30 Negotiations: A Collective Reflection Piece
10–22 November 2025 in Belém, Brazil
Summary – Outcomes of COP30 Negotiations
COP30 is also called the ‘Peoples’ COP’ or ‘COP of Truth’ as shared by Brazil’s President, reflecting the expectations that all Parties will meet their commitments for emissions reduction under the Paris Agreement. However, it continued its legacy of climate colonialism by allowing around 1600 fossil fuel lobbyists, agribusiness corporations and intermediary multi-development banks to dominate negotiations, while women, indigenous peoples and local communities in the Global South deal with loss and damage, and bear the severe brunt of climate impacts which they did not create. So long as the Global North countries evade their obligations for historical and ongoing emissions under the principle of Common but Differentiated Responsibilities and Respective Capacities (CBDR-RC) and fail to address the structural and systemic causes of climate crisis, COP will remain a mere annual tradition rather than a mechanism for climate justice.
This COP ended with the adoption of the Belém Political Package, featuring a key text called the Global Mutirao decision meaning ‘collective efforts’ in Portuguese. While the package reaffirms the public grant-based finance flow from Global North countries, it failed to establish any concrete steps, mechanisms, or commitments that would make these obligations real or deliverable. There was a huge push from the CSOs for greater action on the public finance as an obligation from developed countries (Article 9.1) but it watered down to launching a two year programme on Article 9 without a prioritised focus on the provision. The outcome contains no reference to the international financial architecture reform, no recognition of the role of debt or systemic imbalances in blocking climate finance. This was aimed to help to track the finance goal and ensure the amount of public finance going into the climate action since the Paris agreement, as the Global North keeps pushing for mobilising finance using private sectors while avoiding their obligation to “provide” public grant-based finance. Similarly, there was a commitment of tripling adaptation finance by 2035 and scaling up the emission reductions which remain highly debated since the Global North countries have failed to meet even their Glasgow pledges of doubling adaptation finance by 2025.
“Adaptation measures are very important for the communities to survive from the impacts of climate change that we didn’t cause. We need direct access to adaptation funds with proper technology transfer. So during this COP30, we demanded the global north to urgently pay us the adaptation fund for their historical and ongoing emissions.”
– Mandkhaitsetsen Urantulkhuur, CHRD, Mongolia
COP30 failed to articulate the roadmap for phasing out fossil fuel whereas the emissions reduction plans relied heavily on false solutions. The fossil fuel phase-out discussions led to political tensions as Colombia, strongly supported by the EU, pushed for the agenda without addressing the CBDR-RC principle and right to development of the developing countries in the Global South. Due to this framing, some developing countries were forced into defensive positions, thus creating the misleading perceptions that they are obstructing the phase-out. For instance, Sudan shared that even though they favour the idea of a phase-out, it would be economically devastating without adequate, needs-based, grants-based finance and transition pathways being guaranteed by the big polluters. The agreement to convene a Colombia fossil fuel conference in 2026 signals that many developing countries are gearing up for phasing out of fossil fuel plans.
An important outcome of COP30 is the Belém Action Mechanism (BAM) under the just transition work programme proposed through the G77+China group. BAM is expected to push the countries to close the implementation gap by removing structural barriers such as debt, unfair trade rules and limited technology transfer that keep developing countries at the bottom of renewable supply chains. Also BAM recognises inclusion of informal workers transition and care work which has been welcomed by the cross-constituencies. However, Global North countries are framing BAM as a voluntary platform for knowledge exchange and participation without offering concrete pathways for just transition. Due to opposition from China and Global North countries, BAM remains weak on critical minerals extraction and unfair trade measures done in the name of energy transition. While the Global North faced pushback from developing countries for unilateral trade measures (UTM), these too were not fully blocked but instead integrated into the Global Mutirao.
“Just Transition Work Programme outcome weakly mentions the critical minerals for renewable energy but it lacks the strong language and specific regulations regarding the women’s human rights and environmental impacts of the critical minerals extraction, despite mounting evidence that the rush for minerals is driving land grabs, displacement, militarisation and gender-based violence in mining-affected communities.”
– Ana Celestial, Kalikasan Peoples Environment Network, Philippines
Climate finance discussions in COP30 have continued to prioritise false solutions, including blended finance initiatives, debt swaps, and the expanded use of multilateral development bank (MDB) finance. For instance, this COP launched Tropical Forest Forever Facility (TFFF) which is a mere rebranding of the carbon market scheme under a conservation narrative. It also promoted other false solutions such as nature based solutions, blue economy frameworks and many more that perpetuate social injustices for marginalised groups while concentrating profit among private actors.
“COP30 only focused on promoting and expanding blue carbon deals, conservation offsets, and ocean-based carbon markets without proper and strong safeguards, transparency, gender justice frameworks, and community consent. These mechanisms are only a ‘blue washing’ tool coming from the private sectors and global government to commodify coastal and ocean resources. One thing that should be noted is that our coastal and ocean ecosystems are not commodities. The government should be more concerned about people over profit. It should be climate justice not climate business.”
– Nibras, KIARA, Indonesia
Similarly, this COP outcome has intentionally sidelined effective agroecological practices that give due importance to climate smart agriculture, artificial intelligence and techno-centric climate solutions for food and agriculture. This completely violates the communities’ right to self-determination and food sovereignty, while ignoring traditional knowledge, community-led and gender-just, people-powered solutions which have been proven sustainable for generations.
“COP30 further reveals a climate finance system that favours unstable market mechanisms over direct support for small-scale producers who are already helping cool the planet through agroecology. Belém, as in previous COPs, underscored that transformative justice won’t be achieved in negotiation rooms dominated by industrial interests.”
– Arnold Padilla, Pesticide Action Network-Asia Pacific (PAN-AP), Malaysia
COP30 avoided discussions on providing adequate financing through redistributive measures such as fair taxation, phasing out fossil fuel subsidies and redirecting funds away from harmful activities such as war and genocide. The newly adopted Gender Action Plan (GAP) remains fragile–progress in language, but not yet in power or practice. It recognises environmental human rights defenders, care work, informal labour, and Indigenous leadership, but it remains silent on the protection mechanisms, finance commitments, accountability measures and the actual defence of environmental and human rights defenders facing repression all over the globe.
“There is no climate justice without an enabling environment and protection for climate activists and environmental human rights defenders. While frontline grassroots defenders such as farmers, fisherfolk, indigenous people and women bear the brunt of the impacts of climate change, they face repression from government security forces like the police and military when they demand for their right to a safe, clean and sustainable environment. The use of repressive measures of States and corporations against the people is unacceptable and should not be accepted as a norm. The grassroots defenders hold the real solutions to the climate crisis therefore they should be supported and not attacked.”
– Lia Mai Torres, Center for Environmental Concerns/Asia Pacific Network of Environmental Defenders (CEC-APNED)
Gender justice must be structurally embedded within all climate mechanisms—from adaptation and mitigation, to loss and damage and just transition. This framework must extend to demilitarisation and the protection of nature, as defining gender narrowly or ignoring the impacts of ecocide undermines inclusion and the foundations of justice itself. Any Gender Action Plan that fails to address the systemic drivers of fossil-fuel dependency, military expansion, and corporate impunity will remain a hollow response to a crisis rooted in extraction and violence. Further, without grant-based, direct-access finance for women-led and gender-diverse organisations, the GAP’s commitments risk becoming empty rhetoric. The recognition of care work, informal labour, and Indigenous leadership within the Belém GAP must translate into real investment and policy support. COP30 showed that gender equality is not a peripheral issue, yet its progress remains hostage to the same power dynamics and finance evasion that plague broader climate negotiations.
“The GAP thus represents both a tool and a test: a tool for advocacy and accountability, and a test of whether governments will act with courage to make gender justice an operational reality rather than a diplomatic formality. For the Asia-Pacific, advancing gender justice in climate action also means confronting militarised economies, extractive industries, and ecological destruction — the invisible engines of both inequality and climate breakdown.”
– Wanun Permpibul, Climate Watch Thailand
For gender-just climate action to truly succeed, feminist movements, Indigenous networks, and frontline communities will demand accountability–not just for promises made by governments and multilateral institutions but for tangible delivery. We will relentlessly strengthen our collective campaigning and advocacy against climate imperialism, militarism and monopoly by persistently demanding for climate justice at national, regional and global levels.
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